聖書(Leviticus 25:10) Consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim liberty throughout the land to all its inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you; each of you is to return to your family property and to your own clan.
(Men) have a right to the acquisitions of their parents; to the nourishment and improvement of their offspring; to instruction in life, and to consolation in death. Whatever each man can separately do, without trespassing upon others, he has a right to do for himself; and he has a right to a fair portion of all which society, with all its combinations of skill and force, can do in his favour. In this partnership all men have equal rights; but not to equal things.
You will observe, that from Magna Charta to the Declaration of Rights, it has been the uniform policy of our constitution to claim and assert our liberties, as an entailed inheritance derived to us from our forefathers, and to be transmitted to our posterity... 一部割愛 By this means our constitution preserves an unity in so great a diversity of its parts. We have an inheritable crown; an inheritable peerage; an house of commons and a people inheriting privileges, franchises, and liberties, from a long line of ancestors.
Adam Smith and Edmund Burke ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1082&context=poroi Although the Scots philosopher Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (1776) found few insightful readers in England before the l790s, Smith himself noted that among what early readers he had the Anglo-Irish Whig Member of Parliament Edmund. Burke stood out (Tribe 1984; Teichgraber, 1985). Smith informed a confidant that Burke “is the only man I ever knew who, without communication, thought on economic subjects exactly as I”
They became correspondents and friends. But while Smith made it clear that government support should be extended in hard times to unemployed workers, who have a right to expect it, Burke flatly denied it. “Labor,” he wrote in l795, “is a commodity and as such an article of trade” (Burke, 1795, in Kramnick, 1999, 200). Trade, Burke declared, is none of government’s business under any circumstances. “Of all things,” he wrote, “an indiscreet tampering with the trade of provisions is the most dangerous and … always worst … in the time of scarcity” (Burke, 1795, in Kramnick, 1999, 195).
If anyone deserves relief it is not those who are able to work but in hard times can’t find it. It is those, and only those, who are too sick, infirm, young, or old to work at all. They do indeed fall under our Christian duty to extend charity to the poor (Burke, 1795, in Kramnick 203). But the deserving poor, as they came to be called, are objects of our charity only insofar as we, and they, are private persons. Government, whose office to “regulate our tempers” by “timely coercion,” should stay out of it. “The people maintain [the government], not they the people” (Burke, 1795, in Kramnick, 195)
Far am I from denying in theory, full as far is my heart from withholding in practice (if I were of power to give or to withhold) the real rights of men. In denying their false claims of right, I do not mean to injure those which are real, and are such as their pretended rights would totally destroy. If civil society be made for the advantage of man, all the advantages for which it is made become his right. It is an institution of beneficence; and law itself is only beneficence acting by a rule. Men have a right to live by that rule; they have a right to do justice, as between their fellows, whether their fellows are in public function or in ordinary occupation. They have a right to the fruits of their industry and to the means of making their industry fruitful. ---Edmund Burke
Burke and Natural Rights Edmund Burke was at once a chief exponent of the Ciceronian doctrine of natural law and a chief opponent of the “rights of man.” In our time, which is experiencing simultaneously a revival of interest in natural-law theory and an enthusiasm for defining “human rights” that is exemplified by the United Nations' lengthy declaration, Burke's view of the natural juridic order deserves close attention.
Unlike Bolingbroke and Hume, whose outward politics in some respects resembled the great Whig statesman's, Burke was a pious man. “The most important questions about the human race Burke answered … from the Church of England's catechism.” He takes for granted a Christian cosmos, in which a just God has established moral principles for man's salvation. God has given man law, and with that law, rights; such, succinctly, is Burke's premise in all moral and juridical questions.
Secondly, I have analysed the theological content of Burke's political thought, demonstrating that Burke's political thought emerged from his Christian faith and his concomitant belief in the natural law. I have argued that, as a result, there is a profound consonance between the central principles of the Christian faith and the conservative tradition which followed Burke.
The speculative line of demarcation where obedience ought to end and resistance must begin is faint, obscure, and not easily definable. It is not a single act, or a single event, which determines it. Governments must be abused and deranged, indeed, before it can be thought of; and the prospect of the future must be as bad as the experience of the past. When things are in that lamentable condition, the nature of the disease is to indicate the remedy to those whom nature has qualified to administer in extremities this critical, ambiguous, bitter potion to a distempered state. Times and occasions and provocations will teach their own lessons. The wise will determine from the gravity of the case; the irritable, from sensibility to oppression; the high-minded, from disdain and indignation at abusive power in unworthy hands; the brave and bold, from the love of honorable danger in a generous cause; but, with or without right, a revolution will be the very last resource of the thinking and the good. --Edmund Burke
King Felipe VI of Spain (1981) – As reigning King of Spain, Sovereign of the Order since 2014 after his father abdicated his rights to him. King Juan Carlos I of Spain (1941) – Former Sovereign of the Order as King of Spain from 1975 to 2014. King Constantine II of Greece (1964) The King of Sweden (1983)[17] Grand Duke Jean of Luxembourg (1983)[18] The Emperor of Japan (1985)[19] Princess Beatrix of the Netherlands (1985)[20] The Queen of Denmark (1985)[21] The Queen of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth Realms (1989)[22] King Albert II of Belgium (1994)[23]
ガーター騎士団員 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Order_of_the_Garter Akihito, Emperor of Japan is the only non-European monarch and likely the only non-Christian who is currently a member of the Order. He is the fourth (consecutive) Emperor of Japan to be a Stranger Knight. 大正天皇 https://pbs.twimg.com/media/CL4XD_wUwAANU33.jpg0779名無しさん@1周年2018/10/11(木) 07:31:19.29ID:k4ePZ5+g0 本当のことを言ってはいけませんね。日本には言論の自由なんて、無いんだから。 マスゴミ様の許容する範囲の言論にとどめておかないと、簡単に地位を失う。 習近平の中国と同様。 0780名無しさん@1周年2018/10/11(木) 07:31:45.70ID:zZoeJ37D0>>778>>1
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Linux In a later study, the same analysis was performed for Debian version 4.0 (etch, which was released in 2007).[161] This distribution contained close to 283 million source lines of code, and the study estimated that it would have required about seventy three thousand man-years and cost US$8.46 billion (in 2018 dollars) to develop by conventional means.
聖書(Leviticus 25:10) Consecrate the fiftieth year and proclaim liberty throughout the land to all its inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you; each of you is to return to your family property and to your own clan.
Adam Smith Every part of nature, when attentively surveyed, equally demonstrates the providential care of its Author, and we admire the wisdom and goodness of God even in the weakness and folly of man.
the happiness of mankind, as well as all other rational creatures, seems to have been the original purpose intended by the author of nature, when he brought them into existence ... By acting according to the dictates of our moral faculties, we necessarily pursue the most effectual means for promoting the happiness of mankind, and may therefore be said, in some sense, to co-operate with the Deity, and to advance as far as in our power the plan of Providence.
Benjamin Franklin You will see in this my notion of good works, that I am far from expecting to merit heaven by them. By heaven we understand a state of happiness, infinite in degree, and eternal in duration: I can do nothing to deserve such rewards. He that for giving a draught of water to a thirsty person, should expect to be paid with a good plantation, would be modest in his demands, compared with those who think they deserve heaven for the little good they do on earth. Even the mixt imperfect pleasures we enjoy in this world, are rather from God’s goodness than our merit: how much more such happiness of heaven!
2 Corinthians 3:17 Now the Lord is the Spirit, and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom.
2 Peter 2:19 They promise them freedom, but they themselves are slaves of corruption. For whatever overcomes a person, to that he is enslaved.
1 Corinthians 6:12 “All things are lawful for me,” but not all things are helpful. “All things are lawful for me,” but I will not be enslaved by anything.
Romans 8:21 That the creation itself will be set free from its bondage to corruption and obtain the freedom of the glory of the children of God.
1 Peter 2:16 Live as people who are free, not using your freedom as a cover-up for evil, but living as servants of God.
1 Corinthians 10:29 I do not mean your conscience, but his. For why should my liberty be determined by someone else's conscience?
1 Corinthians 9:19 For though I am free from all, I have made myself a servant to all, that I might win more of them.
(2)The use of public schools for teaching the divinity of the imperial line and for inculcating a sense of blind devotion to the Emperor should not be permitted, statements or implications of the divine origin of the imperial line or the divinity of the Emperor should be eliminated from textbooks, Shinto Shrines housing portraits of the Emperor should be banned from public school property, enforced obeisance to the Emperor or to his picture should not be permitted, and there should be no special ceremonial connected with the handling of the imperial rescript on education, if it is still read in schools. (3)Extreme measures to keep the person of the Emperor mysteriously distant from the public and veiled in awesome secrecy should be abandoned.
b.A monarchical form of government in Japan, if so modified as to be a peaceful and responsible constitutional monarchy, would be consistent with American objectives in Japan. Since the creation of such a constitutional monarchy appears to have the support of the vast majority of Japanese, the Supreme Commander should give aid to Japanese efforts to transform the imperial institution in Japan into a constitutional monarchy.
Religion and the Japanese Constitution Helen Hardacre Reischauer Institute Professor of Japanese Religions and Society Harvard University https://projects.iq.harvard.edu/files/crrp/files/hardacre_religionandconstitution.pdf The report concluded with several specific recommendations for severing the relation between the state and Shinto and for eliminating it from the schools: complete severing of the shrines from public support; treatment of Shinto as a religion; elimination of government control or direction of the shrines, placing Shinto on an equal footing with other religions; elimination of the Shrine Institute (Jingiin), the bureaucratic office created in 1940 to deal with shrine affairs; removal of all Shinto elements from public schools, including nationalist interpretations of the Imperial Rescript on Education; removal of Shinto altars (kamidana) from schools and public offices; and abolition of compulsory school trips to shrines. The report further recommended that the emperor be prevailed upon to issue a rescript repudiating all notions of Japanese superiority and the idea that Japan has a mission to rule in Asia.